Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository

Thesis Format

Integrated Article

Degree

Doctor of Philosophy

Program

Sociology

Supervisor

Dr. Rachel Margolis

Abstract

The percentage of Canada’s one-person households has increased consistently between 1971 and 2016. One-person households occupy the largest share among all household types as of 2016. However, limited attention has been paid to the increase in Canadians’ living alone and its implications for older people’s health and well-being, due to which I develop three studies to fill the gaps in the literature.

In Chapter 2, I pool the 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001, and 2016 Canadian censuses, and the 2011 National Household Survey to explore the increase in the percentages of living alone among young, middle-aged, and older women and men, respectively, and underlying factors contributing to the upward trend of living alone. Older women have the highest percentages of living alone than other groups in all census years, but their percentage of living alone began to decline since 2001 due mainly to the mortality decline among older men. Other groups experienced a consistently increase in solo living. Compositional shifts in some of Canadians’ sociodemographic characteristics, such as marital status and income, can explain some of the increase in their living alone. An individualistic culture of Canada may be a major cultural motivation underlying this upward trend.

In Chapter 3, I use the 2017 Canadian Community Health Survey to examine whether living alone is a predictor of older Canadian women’s and men’s self-perceived physical health, self-perceived mental health, life stress, and overall life satisfaction. Older women living alone have a higher likelihood of reporting poor self-perceived physical and mental health and lower life satisfaction compared to those living with a partner only. Older women living alone, however, are less likely to feel stressed with life compared to their counterparts living with a partner and children or those living with unattached others. Older men living alone are more likely to report poor physical and mental health and lower levels of life satisfaction relative to those living with a partner only or those living with a partner and children. Living arrangements are not significantly associated with older men’s life stress. Worse socioeconomic conditions and unhealthy behaviors may be explanatory variables on poorer physical and mental health among older Canadians living alone.

In Chapter 4, I use the 2015 General Social Survey to explore whether older Canadians living alone differ from their co-residing counterparts in time use. Older Canadians living alone spend more time in socializing and communicating relative to those living a spouse and children. Living arrangements are not a predictor of time spent in activities that benefit older people’s active living and healthy aging. Also, those living alone are less likely to feel that they are constantly under stress relative to those living with a spouse and children or those living with children only. Compared to other living arrangements, living alone is not significantly associated with older Canadians’ feeling that they do not spend enough time with family and friends.

The rising trend of living alone in Canada may continue in the coming decades. Although living alone is not detrimental to older Canadians’ participation in health-related activities, those living alone are more likely to report poor physical and mental health and lower life satisfaction. Policymakers, caregivers, dwelling community, and older adults’ family and friends can play significant roles to address this issue.

Summary for Lay Audience

The percentage of Canada’s one-person households has increased consistently between 1971 and 2016. One-person households occupy the largest share among all household types as of 2016. Limited attention has been paid to the rising trend of Canadians’ living alone and the implications of living alone for older people’s health. I develop three studies to fill the gaps in the literature.

In Chapter 2, I pool the 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001, 2011, and 2016 Canadian censuses to explore underlying factors contributing to the increase in living alone. Older women had the highest percentages of living alone than other groups in all census years, but their percentage of living alone began to decline since 2001 due mainly to the mortality decline among older men. Other groups experienced a consistently increase in solo living. Compositional shifts in some of Canadians’ sociodemographic characteristics, such as marital status and income, can explain some of the increase in their living alone.

In Chapter 3, I examine whether living alone is a predictor of older Canadians’ self-perceived health and well-being using the 2017 Canadian Community Health Survey. Older Canadians living alone are more likely to report poorer health and lower levels of life satisfaction compared to those living with a partner only (for women and men) or those living with a partner and children (for men). Worse socioeconomic conditions and unhealthy behaviors may be explanatory variables on poorer physical and mental health among older Canadians living alone.

In Chapter 4, I use the 2015 General Social Survey to explore whether older Canadians living alone differ from their co-residing counterparts in objective and subjective time use. Living arrangements are not a predictor of time spent in activities that benefit older people’s active living and healthy aging. Also, those living alone are less likely to feel that they are constantly under stress relative to those living with a spouse and children or those living with children. Compared to other living arrangements, living alone is not significantly associated with older people’s feeling that they do not spend enough time with family and friends.

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